The Basic Question: How to Be Christians
in a World of Destitution
By Leonardo Boff and Clodovis Boff. From the book Introducing Liberation
Theology published by Orbis Books. Reprinted by permission.
woman of forty, but who looked as old as seventy, went up to the
priest after Mass and said sorrowfully: "Father, I went to
communion without going to confession first." "How come, my
daughter?" asked the priest. "Father," she replied, "I arrived
rather late, after you had begun the offertory. For three days I
have had only water and nothing to eat; I'm dying of hunger. When
I saw you handing out the hosts, those little pieces of white
bread, I went to communion just out of hunger for that little bit
of bread! The priest's eyes filled with tears. He recalled the
words of Jesus: "My flesh [bread] is real food... whoever feeds on
me will draw life from me" (John 6:55, 57).
One day, in the arid region of northeastern Brazil, one of the most
famine-stricken parts of the world, I (Clodovis) met a bishop going
into his house; he was shaking. "Bishop, what's the matter?" I
asked. He replied that he had just seen a terrible sight: in front
of the cathedral was a woman with three small children and a baby
clinging to her neck. He saw that they were fainting from hunger.
The baby seemed to be dead. He said: "Give the baby some milk,
woman!" "I can't, my lord," she answered. The bishop went on
insisting that she should, and she that she could not. Finally,
because of his insistence, she opened her blouse. Her breast was
bleeding; the baby sucked violently at it. And sucked blood. The
mother who had given it life was feeding it, like the pelican, with
her own blood, her own life. The bishop knelt down in front of the
woman, placed his hand on the baby's head, and there and then vowed
that as long as such hunger existed, he would feed at least one
hungry child each day.
One Saturday night I (Clodovis) went to see Manuel, a catechist of
a base community. "Father," he said to me, "this community and
others in the district are coming to an end. The people are dying
of hunger. They are not coming: they haven't the strength to walk
this far. They have to stay in their houses to save their
energy...."
Com-passion, "Suffering with"
What lies behind liberation theology? Its starting point is the
perception of scandals such as those described above, which exist
not only in Latin America but throughout the Third World. According
to "conservative" estimates, there are in those countries held in
underdevelopment;
- five-hundred million persons starving;
- one billion, six-hundred million persons whose life expectancy
is less than sixty years (when a person in one of the developed
countries reaches the age of forty-five, he or she is reaching
middle age; in most of Africa or Latin America, a person has little
hope of living to that age);
- one billion persons living in absolute poverty; one billion,
five-hundred million persons with no access to the most basic
medical care;
- five-hundred million with no work or only occasional work and
a per capita income of less than $150 a year;
- eight-hundred-fourteen million who are illiterate;
- two billion with no regular, dependable water supply
Who cannot be filled with righteous anger at such a human and
social hell? Liberation theology presupposes an energetic protest
at such a situation, for that situation means:
- on the social level: collective oppression, exclusion, and
marginalization;
- on the individual level: injustice and denial of human rights;
- on the religious level: social sinfulness, "contrary to the plan
of the Creator and to the honor that is due to him" (Puebla,
§28). (note1)
Without a minimum of "suffering with" this suffering that affects
the great majority of the human race, liberation theology can
neither exist nor be understood. Underlying liberation theology is
a prophetic and comradely commitment to the life, cause, and
struggle of these millions of debased and marginalized human
beings, a commitment to ending this historical-social iniquity. The
Vatican Instruction, "Some Aspects of Liberation Theology" (August
6, 1984), put it well: "It is not possible for a single instant to
forget the situations of dramatic poverty from which the challenge
set to theologians springs -- the challenge to work out a genuine
theology of liberation."
Meeting the Poor Christ in the Poor
Every true theology springs from a spirituality -- that is, from
a true meeting with God in history. Liberation theology was born
when faith confronted the injustice done to the poor. By "poor" we
do not really mean the poor individual who knocks on the door
asking for alms. We mean a collective poor, the "popular classes,"
which is a much wider category than the "proletariat" singled out
by Karl Marx (it is a mistake to identify the poor of liberation
theology with the proletariat, though many of its critics do): the
poor are also the workers exploited by the capitalist system; the
underemployed, those pushed aside by the production process -- a
reserve army always at hand to take the place of the employed; they
are the laborers of the countryside, and migrant workers with only
seasonal work.
All this mass of the socially and historically oppressed makes up
the poor as a social phenomenon. In the light of faith, Christians
see in them the challenging face of the Suffering Servant, Jesus
Christ. At first there is silence, silent and sorrowful
contemplation, as if in the presence of a mystery that calls for
introspection and prayer. Then this presence speaks. The Crucified
in these crucified persons weeps and cries out: "I was hungry...
in prison... naked" (Matt. 25:3146).
Here what is needed is not so much contemplation as effective
action for liberation. The Crucified needs to be raised to life.
We are on the side of the poor only when we struggle alongside them
against the poverty that has been unjustly created and forced on
them. Service in solidarity with the oppressed also implies an act
of love for the suffering Christ, a liturgy pleasing to God.
The First Step: Liberating Action, Liber-a(c)tion (note 2)
What is the action that will effectively enable the oppressed to
move out of their inhuman situation? Many years of reflection and
practice suggest that it has to go beyond two approaches that have
already been tried: aid and reformism.
"Aid" is help offered by individuals moved by the spectacle of
widespread destitution. They form agencies and organize projects,
the "Band-Aid" or "corn-plaster" approach to social ills. But
however perceptive they become and however well-intentioned -- and
successful -- aid remains a strategy for helping the poor, but
treating them as (collective) objects of charity, not as subjects
of their own liberation. The poor are seen simply as those who have
nothing. There is a failure to see that the poor are oppressed and
made poor by others; and what they do possess -- strength to
resist, capacity to understand their rights, to organize themselves
and transform a subhuman situation -- tends to be left out of
account. Aid increases the dependence of the poor, tying them to
help from others, to decisions made by others: again, not enabling
them to become their own liberators.
"Reformism" seeks to improve the situation of the poor, but always
within existing social relationships and the basic structuring of
society, which rules out greater participation by all and
diminution in the privileges enjoyed by the ruling classes.
Reformism can lead to great feats of development in the poorer
nations, but this development is nearly always at the expense of
the oppressed poor and very rarely in their favor. For example, in
1964 the Brazilian economy ranked 46th in the world; in 1994 it
ranked 8th. The last twenty years have seen undeniable
technological and industrial progress, but at the same time there
has been a considerable worsening of social conditions for the
poor, with exploitation, destitution, and hunger on a scale
previously unknown in Brazilian history. This has been the price
paid by the poor for this type of elitist, exploitative, and
exclusivist development in which, in the words of Pope John Paul
II, the rich become ever richer at the expense of the poor who
become ever poorer
The poor can break out of their situation of oppression only by
working out a strategy better able to change social conditions:
the strategy of liberation. In liberation, the oppressed come
together, come to understand their situation through the process
of `conscientization,' discover the causes of their oppression,
organize themselves into movements, and act in a coordinated
fashion. First, they claim everything that the existing system can
give: better wages, working conditions, health care, education,
housing, and so forth; then they work toward the transformation of
present society in the direction of a new society characterized by
widespread participation, a better and more just balance among
social classes and more worthy ways of life.
In Latin America, where liberation theology originated,
there have always been movements of liberation since the early days
of the Spanish and Portuguese conquest. Amerindians, slaves, and
the oppressed in general fought against the violence of the
colonizers, created redoubts of freedom, such as the quilombos and
reducciones, note 4 led movements of revolt and independence. And
among the colonizers were bishops such as Bartolomé de Las
Casas, Antonio Valdivieso, and Toribio de Mogrovejo, and other
missionaries and priests who defended the rights of the colonized
peoples and made evangelization a process that included advancement
of their rights.
Despite the massive and gospel-denying domination of the colonial
centuries, dreams of freedom were never entirely extinguished. But
it is only in the past few decades that a new consciousness of
liberation has become widespread over the whole of Latin America.
The poor, organized and conscientized, are beating at their
masters' doors, demanding life, bread, liberty and dignity. Courses
of action are being taken with a view to release the liberty that
is now held captive. Liberation is emerging as the strategy of the
poor themselves, confident in themselves and in their instruments
of struggle: free trade unions, peasant organizations, local
associations, action groups and study groups, popular political
parties, base Christian communities. (note 5) They are being
joined by groups and individuals from other social classes who have
opted to change society and join the poor in their struggle to
bring about change.
The growth of regimes of "national security" (for which read
"capital security"), of military dictatorships, with their
repression of popular movements in many countries of Latin America,
is a reaction against the transforming and liberating power of the
organized poor.
The Second Step: Faith Reflects on Liberating Practice
Christians have always been and still are at the heart of these
wider movements for liberation. The great majority of Latin
Americans are not only poor but also Christian. So the great
question at the beginning and still valid today was -- and is --
what role Christianity has to play. How are we to be Christians
in a world of destitution and injustice? There can be only one
answer: we can be followers of Jesus and true Christians only by
making common cause with the poor and working out the gospel of
liberation. Trade union struggles, battles for land and for the
territories belonging to Amerindians, the fight for human rights
and all other forms of commitment always pose the same question:
What part is Christianity playing in motivating and carrying on the
process of liberating the oppressed?
Inspired by their faith -- which must include commitment to one's
neighbor, particularly to the poor, if it is to be true (Matt.
25:31-46) -- and motivated by the proclamation of the kingdom of
God -- which begins in this world and culminates only in eternity
-- and by the life, deeds, and death of Christ, who made a historic
option for the poor, and by the supremely liberating significance
of his resurrection, many Christians -- bishops, priests,
religious, nuns, lay men and women -- are throwing themselves into
action alongside the poor, or joining the struggles already taking
place. The Christian base communities, Bible societies, groups for
popular evangelization, movements for the promotion and defense of
human rights, particularly those of the poor, agencies involved in
questions of land tenure, indigenous peoples, slums, marginalized
groups, and the like, have all shown themselves to have more than
a purely religious and ecclesial significance, and to be powerful
factors for mobilization and dynamos of liberating action,
particularly when they have joined forces with other popular
movements.
Christianity can no longer be dismissed as the opium of the people,
nor can it be seen as merely fostering an attitude of critique: it
has now become an active commitment to liberation. Faith challenges
human reason and the historical progress of the powerful, but in
the Third World it tackles the problem of poverty, now seen as the
result of oppression. Only from this starting point can the flag
of liberation be raised.
The gospel is not aimed chiefly at "modern" men and women with
their critical spirit, but first and foremost at "nonpersons,"
those whose basic dignity and rights are denied them. This leads
to reflection in a spirit of Prophecy and solidarity aimed at
making nonpersons full human beings, and then new men and women,
according to the design of the "new Adam," Jesus Christ.
Reflecting on the basis of practice, within the ambit of the
vast efforts made by the poor and their allies, seeking inspiration
in faith and the gospel for the commitment to fight against poverty
and for the integral liberation of all persons and the whole person
-- that is what liberation theology means.
Christians who have been inspired by its principles and who live
out its practices have chosen the harder way, exposing themselves
to defamation, persecution, and even martyrdom. Many have been led
by its insights and the practice of solidarity at its origins to
a process of true conversion. Archbishop Oscar Romero of San
Salvador, who had been conservative in his views, became a great
advocate and defender of the poor when he stood over the dead body
of Fr. Rutilio Grande, assassinated for his liberating commitment
to the poor. The spilt blood of the martyr acted like a salve on
his eyes, opening them to the urgency of the task of liberation.
And he himself was called to a martyr's death in the same cause.
Commitment to the liberation of the millions of the oppressed of
our world restores to the gospel the credibility it had at the
beginning and at the great periods of holiness and prophetic
witness in history. The God who pitied the downtrodden and the
Christ who came to set prisoners free proclaim themselves with a
new face and in a new image today. The eternal salvation they offer
is mediated by the historical liberations that dignify the children
of God and render credible the coming utopia of the kingdom of
freedom, justice, love, and peace, the kingdom of God in the midst
of humankind.
From all this, it follows that if we are to understand the theology
of liberation, we must first understand and take an active part in
the real and historical process of liberating the oppressed. In
this field, more than in others, it is vital to move beyond a
merely intellectual approach that is content with comprehending a
theology through its purely theoretical aspects, by reading
articles, attending conferences, and skimming through books. We
have to work our way into a more biblical framework of reference,
where "knowing" implies loving, letting oneself become involved
body and soul, communing wholly -- being committed, in a word --
as the prophet Jeremiah says: "He used to examine the cases of poor
and needy, then all went well. Is not that what it means to know
me? -- it is Yahweh who speaks" (Jet. 22:16). So the criticisms
made of liberation theology by those who judge it on a purely
conceptual level, devoid of any real commitment to the oppressed,
must be seen as radically irrelevant. Liberation theology responds
to such criticism with just one question: What part have you played
in the effective and integral liberation of the oppressed?
Translator's Notes
- The Latin American bishops' conference, CELAM, has held three
General Conferences since the Second Vatican, Council. The second,
held at Medellin, Colombia, in 1968, can be considered the
"official launching" of the theme of liberation. The third, held
at Puebla, Mexico, in 1979, with Pope John Paul II in attendance,
developed in some ways, but also watered down, the conclusions
reached at Medellin. Puebla produced its own "Final Document, "
published in England as Puebla: Evangelization at Present and in
the Future: Conclusions of the Third General Conference of the
Latin American Bishops. Catholic Institute for international
Relations, (Slough, Berkshire: St. Paul Publications, 1979) and in
the U.S.A. as Puebla and Beyond: Documentation and Commentary.
Ed. John Eagleson and Philip Scharper (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis,
1979).
- The Portuguese word for "liberation" is liberação
which is composed of the root liber, "free," and, by chance, the
Portuguese word for "action," ação This coupling cannot
be reproduced in English.
- "Concientization" was a term brought into general use by the
Brazilian educator Paulo Freire. In his work with illiterate
Brazilians, the basic learning unit was always linked with the
social and political context of the learner, as distinguished from
purely objective learning or indoctrination.
- Quilombos were villages formed and inhabited by runaway slaves.
Reducciones were enclaves of relative freedom from colonial powers
for baptized Latin Americans, especially Amerindians, supervised
by religious orders, especially the Jesuits, in Paraguay and
elsewhere in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
- The Portuguese term comumidade (in Spanish, comunidad) eclesial de base
is variously translated "base church community," "basic
Christian community" "grass-roots community" etc. They are, small
groups that come together for Bible study, liturgy, and social
action, usually without a priest but with trained leaders. Smaller
than parishes, they represent the "base" of society. They are the
operational base of liberation theology in practice.
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